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Before the various
Hon’ble High Courts
and finally before the
Supreme Court
PUBLIC INTEREST PETITION
on
Sovereign right of the people to information,
and reforms through referendum

Rejecting Gandhi, an
exploitative Constitution was authenticated in the name of the
people in criminal breach of their trust. This has resulted in
colossal damage to the nation. Vested interests now do not want
to correct it. The sovereign people have a legal and ethical
right to institute true democracy through referendum.
SATYAMEVA JAYATE
Summary
The people, being the sovereign, have the right to
all public information except that restricted by the society in
public interest. The petitioners pray that the Hon’ble High
Courts may issue writs directing every local government to
furnish lists of categories of public information that it would
like to restrict in public interest to its local court and the
state government in the High Court. The courts may scrutinise on
behalf of society whether restricting information of a
particular category and the period proposed to be restricted was
in public interest or not. This will be a legitimate, democratic
process for introducing transparency in governance.
The Constituent Assembly, without meaningfully ascertaining the
wishes of the people, imposed on them an exploitative
Constitution based on centralised, non-transparent and
bureaucratised colonial institutions. If the common people had
been consulted, they would clearly have demanded true democracy
in which power flows upward from the people as advocated by
Gandhi and practised in the best democracies of the world such
as the Swiss. Authenticating an anti-people Constitution in the
name of the people, amounts, in law, to criminal breach of
trust. The Constitution, as a result, lacks legitimacy.
Based on Indian democratic ethos combined with tested details
from the best functioning democracies, the petitioners have
prepared a draft "Constitution for Free Bharat, (India),
2000". They pray that the Hon’ble High Courts may issue
writs directing wide public consultations on the proposed
Constitution and, based on them, refine it. The Hon’ble
Supreme Court may thereafter issue a writ directing referendum
along with the next national election on the present versus the
proposed Constitution as thus refined. If the people vote in
favour of proposed Constitution, the Hon’ble Supreme Court may
authenticate it, this time truly, in the name of the people.
Grounds
The nation is heading towards total collapse of
governance. Anarchy and balkanisation cannot be averted unless
the present anti-people Constitution based on exploitative
colonial institution is replaced by a truly democratic one in
which power flows upward from the people as advocated by Gandhi
and practised in the best democracies of the world. The people,
being the sovereign, have the right to all public information
except that restricted by society in public interest, and to
review the Constitution through referendum, the supreme
sovereign right of the people intrinsic to democracy. Hence this
petition.
JUSTICE IS BLINDED !
The common people have no
social justice.
The powerful are above criminal justice.
The Constitution is higher than the people.
This document is the copyright of People
First.
Changes may be made in it only in consultation with us.
Those desirous of filing PIL petitions jointly with People
First
in any High Court,
may get in touch with us to discuss modifications in the
petition, if any,
and to format it as per court requirements.
Before the various Hon’ble
High Courts
and
finally before the Supreme Court
PUBLIC INTEREST PETITION
on
Sovereign right of the
people to information,
and reforms through referendum
May
it please your Lordships:
1. Whereas when India attained independence, a Constituent
Assembly consisting of eminent national leaders was constituted
to prepare a Constitution. The Constituent Assembly, after due
deliberation, prepared the "Constitution of India" and
on November 26, 1949 adopted and authenticated it in the name of
"We, the people of India". The fact that the
Constitution was authenticated in the name of the people clearly
establishes that the people are the sovereign, and, in law, all
authority flows from them.
2. And whereas the Constitution is largely based on the
Government of India Act of 1935, promulgated by the colonial
rulers to grant limited self-rule for pacifying mounting
pressure
for independence. The Government of India Act, 1935, provided
for Westminster type legislatures, central and state governments
controlling resources and decision-making, non-transparency, and
a powerful bureaucracy ruling over the people at the local
level. The Constitution adopted for independent India has a
similar structure. The Official Secrets Act, 1923, and other
oppressive colonial laws were retained, and the colonial All
India and State Services sanctified by the Constitution.
3. And whereas except for fundamental rights declared sacrosanct
as the basic structure by the Supreme Court in Keshvanand
Bharati versus the State, the Constitution providing for
centralised control of resources, non-transparency and an
overbearing state bureaucracy is clearly anti-people and
anti-democracy.
4. And whereas the Constitution, in essence, states that
"We, the people of India" assign all our resources to
the Union and state governments, authorise our elected servants
to take all decisions on our behalf, keep the decisions secret
from us, and appoint an overbearing state bureaucracy, not
accountable to us, to rule over us at the local level. We, the
people of India, may be poor and illiterate but would have to be
morons to give to ourselves, such an anti-people Constitution.
We, the people, never gave the Constitution to ourselves. It was
imposed on us and authenticated in our name in violation of our
trust. A document authenticated in violation of trust lacks
legitimacy. It is similar to an attorney obtaining a client’s
thumb impression to usurp all his or her property. The client
can approach the courts and get the conduct of the attorney
declared as a criminal breach of trust, and the document
fraudulent. All those who praise the Constitution are indulging
in the intellectual dishonesty.
5 And whereas basic principles of management dictate that the
executive, legislature and judiciary should be distinct and
separate from each other as checks and balances of
democracy. In the Westminster system, with mixed up executive
and legislature, every legislator is a potential minister. This
fosters jockeying for power, abuse of authority, horse-trading,
instability, jumbo cabinets and bribing legislators. It has
created serious problems of abuse of authority, instability and
lack of accountability in most countries, including India.
6. And whereas any sovereign while appointing a representative
to govern on his behalf, would direct that he be kept informed
of important matters, consulted on such matters as he desired,
would participate in decision-making in matters he specified,
and would himself decide when he so chose. In democracy, these
become the sovereign rights of the people to information,
consultation through public hearings, participation through
participatory councils, and decision-making through referendums.
These are sovereign rights of the people intrinsic to democracy,
higher than fundamental rights, and exist even if not provided
in a Constitution.
7. And whereas the only defination of democracy can be that the
people being sovereign, decide how the nation should be
governed. If the people were to decide, they would retain
adequate resources at the local level for handling all local
matters such as administration of justice, police, education,
health-care, land, water systems and forests. They would
institute effective transparency mechanisms covering the
sovereign rights of the people to information, consultation,
participation, and referendum. They would devolve the remaining
resources to the state and national governments for providing
higher level infrastructure, support to regions with inadequate
resources, and to coordinate but not interfere in local matters.
They would make both the elected executive and the appointed
public servants at all levels —- local, state and national —
directly accountable to them and not via a higher authority.
8. And whereas derived from simple logic, this can be said to be
the basic structure of universal democracy. It is practised in
the best democracies of the world such as Swiss. There
can be no other structure of democracy. Based on 4000 year
democratic ethos and experience of India, symbolised in Ram Raj,
and documented in various ancient scriptures and temple
engravings, many Indian social thinkers of this century such as
Swami Vivekanand, Rabindra Nath Tagore, Subhash Chandra Bose,
Aurobindo Ghosh and Gandhi advocated such true democracy. It is
articulated in the book "Gandhian Constitution for Free
India" by Prof. Shriman Narayan with acceptance foreword by
Gandhi, published in 1946, available in the Parliament Library.
This book has recently been edited, annotated, republished and
put on its website by the petitioners. India, not Britain, is
truly the mother of democracy.
9. And whereas Gandhi was opposed to
consumerism driven capitalism of the West. Democracy, truly
speaking, can neither be socialist nor capitalist, only
egalitarian, that is, all have equal social, economic and
political rights. Gandhi was not opposed to entrepreneurship,
but, based on Indian ethos of sustainable consumption of
resources, advocated a need based economic system in which
industry and business operate in trusteeship of society,
produce goods and services useful to society and generate
wealth for creating productive employment and enabling
philanthropy, but not for ostentatious consumption. Such
societal attitudes can be nurtured by making industry
accountable to local, especially village governments, that
look down upon and discourage ostentatious consumption.
10. And whereas had the Constituent
Assembly organised consultations, public hearings and local
referendums, the common people would clearly have voted in
favour of village and district governments controlling local
resources to handle all local matters as advocated by Gandhi.
The Constituent Assembly evidently did not ascertain the
wishes of the people, imposed the Constitution based on its
own perceptions, and authenticated it in the name of the
people. Authentication of an anti-people Constitution in the
name of the people without ascertaining their wishes amounts,
in law, to criminal breach of trust.
11. And whereas not only did the Constituent Assembly
institute an anti-people centralised, non-transparent and
bureaucratised Constitution, the then leadership ignoring
Gandhi’s "grassroots socialism", and impressed by
the Soviet type of "centralised socialism", also
imposed centralised planning and a controlled economy. It thus
created a mixed economy in a mixed-up polity. Such an economic
system choked all initiatives of the people. Huge loans from
international organisations got consumed mostly in overheads
and little in creating productive assets. Such mismanagement
loaded the nation with massive debt servicing liabilities and
led to pervasive social and environmental degeneration and
economic disaster.
12. And whereas a decade ago facing bankruptcy, the political
leadership, opened the economy and is claiming credit for
reforms, when it truly is correction of past blunders. The
nation is however till today wedded to the other major
blunders, namely, exploitative colonial institutions and
Soviet type abusive centralised planning. As a result, the
opening of the economy is giving a false sense of prosperity,
but is, in reality, fostering economic domination by the rich
nations, increased abuse of authority, pervasive corruption,
endemic poverty, environmental degradation and lawlessness.
Carrying over 80 percent wasteful overheads of a bloated
bureaucracy, wastage, corruption driven faulty decisions, and
delayed projects, the common people will remain in the poverty
trap for all time. The so-called discipline of development
economics is truly poverty development economics. (See
illustration on the cover sheet)
13. And whereas criminalisation of politics, abuse of
police authority, accumulation of over three crore cases in
courts, unemployment amongst educated youth, and increasing
poverty have led to escalating crime, and violent movements
such as NAXAL and ULFA. These are symptoms of failing
governance bordering on anarchy. Instead of correcting the
faulty, exploitative institutions of governance, the Union
government is planning to enact laws more repressive that the
dreaded erstwhile Terrorist and Disruptive Activities Act.
14. And whereas unless institutional reforms providing for
true local empowerment and local accountability through
effective transparency mechanisms are instituted soon to
reduce wasteful overheads, the nation will drift into anarchy,
balkanisation and economic domination by rich nations worse
than colonial subjugation. It may then be too late to save it.
15. And whereas power having got centralised, the political
system is unwilling and unable to return it to where it
belongs —- the people. Movements launched in the past, such
as those led by Dr Manohar Lohia and Jai Prakash Narayan,
failed. The 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments
promulgated with great fanfare have, because of reluctance of
legislators to give up power, instituted a dysfunctional
diarchy of the district bureaucracy accountable to the state
government and elected district panchayats accountable to the
people, thus further diluting accountability. The political
system has, during 50 years, cunningly evaded instituting
effective transparency laws. While promulgating the
constitutional amendments, legislators have skillfully made
themselves ex officio members on local councils violating the
scheme of the Constitution that a person can hold only one
elective office. They also sanctioned themselves one crore
rupees each for local programmes, later made two, and now
likely to be further increased. By thus controlling executive
work, legislators violate local jurisdictions, and vitiate
their watchdog functions. Such abuse can now only keep
increasing. There is little possibility of legislatures
instituting truly democratic reforms.
16. And whereas many Chief Ministers, notably those of
Kashmir, Punjab, Northeast and Southern states are, in the
name of federalism, demanding greater autonomy to states. They
however do not want to give control over local resources and
decision-making to local governments. Democracy is deeper than
federalism. Autocratic states can federate but in democracy
power flows from the people to local governments, while only
residual functions are assigned to state and national
governments. Democracy is truly a federation of local
governments!
17. And whereas recognising that the Constitution has
shortcomings, the Union government has constituted a
Commission for Review of the Working of the Constitution. The
Commission has hardly held any consultations with social
organisations and local communities. Furthermore, even if the
Commission decides to make recommendations that empower the
people, the parliament is not likely to approve them. Thus,
while the initiative to review the Constitution is
appreciated, the process has little to offer from the
perspective of the people.
18. And whereas the only method by which truly democratic
reforms can now be instituted, is by the people through
referendum. The people,
being the sovereign, have the intrinsic sovereign right to
institute reforms through referendums. If it not be so, it
would imply that an anti-people Constitution in the form of a
Frankenstein or Bhasmasur had been created that is destroying
its creator —- the people, and that the sovereign people are
impotent to do anything about it. A Constitution that makes
the sovereign impotent is bad law. Referendum is a right of
the people to overrule their elected servants, and not a right
of the elected servants to abuse authority such as happened in
Philippines and Pakistan were dictators held rigged
referendums to legitimise their rule for life. Similarly, in
Sri Lanka where the parliament has power to direct referendum
through two-third majority, it is being politicised to deny
the Tamils their genuine democratic rights of control over
their local resources and decision-making.
19. And whereas to facilitate reforms by the people through
referendums, the petitioners conceptualised a new institution,
Sovereign Rights Commission with authority to direct
referendums, except on issues fundamental to democracy or the
integrity of the nation. There can, for example, be no
referendum on making the state theocratic or a region
seceding.
20 And whereas Thomas Jefferson had said that he could not
think of anyone but the people themselves as the ultimate
repository of all authority of society. Such Sovereign Rights
Commissions will, like Gandhi, function as the non-corruptible
conscience keeper of the state based on values of the society
as a whole.
21 Impressed by the concept, Shri PA Sangma, the then Speaker
Lok Sabha, circulated a document of the petitioners on
democratic reforms in the golden jubilee special session of
parliament held in August 1997 with following message:
"I compliment the Lal Bahadur Shastri Memorial Foundation
and People First on its discussion paper, "The
Constitution, the Nation, the People". The thoughts
contained in the paper reflect Gandhian ideals. The paper
calls for a whole new system of governance based on truly
autonomous democratic institutions upward from villages.
It also calls for the creation of a Sovereign Rights
Commission and referendum to bring about changes through
proactive initiatives on the part of citizens of the country.
The paper is indeed interesting and thought-provoking and
deserves nationwide debate when we celebrate the golden
jubilee of our independence".
The legislators ignored the document. Justice MN
Venkatachaliah, former Chief Justice of India, presently
Chairman of the Constitution Review Commission, too, in a
message, praised the concept and process for reforms in the
following words:
"Our centralised democracy based on colonial institutions
is exploitative and clearly at the root of all problems
confronting the nation. If we had listened to Gandhi and
instituted a democracy in which every village and district
functioned as a self-sustaining entity, the nation would have
been different today.
In democracies, the people are the sovereign and have implicit
sovereign right to information, consultation, participation
and referendum. Referendum is the supreme sovereign right and
exists even if not specifically provided in a constitution.
People First deserves credit for conceptualising Sovereign
Rights Commissions for bringing about change through the will
of the common people. This would be a legitimate, non-violent
method of transforming our society."
The interview of Shri KS Sudershan, Chief of the RSS,
published in Outlook of March 27, 2000 goes as follows;
You have called for a total change in the
Constitution. Do you have an alternative in mind? "Democracy
is not a new concept for us. It has been there ever since the
Vedic period. During that period, the king used to be elected
every two years. The gram panchayat used to get its mandate
from religious scriptures called dharmashastras."
Should it now also draw authority from the
dharmashastra?
"No, the Constitution we
frame will be our dharmashastra. Our social ills came much
later. We should look at our bright past and give it a new shape
according to the changed times."
Shri Digvijay Singh, Chief Minister, Madhya Pradesh, has made
public statements that India needs Gandhian democracy. Many
political leaders privately voice similar sentiments, but for
misplaced political reasons are reluctant to say so.
22 And whereas to take the movement forward, the petitioners,
based on the democratic experience of India, combined with
tested details from the best functioning democracies of the
world, have prepared a truly democratic draft constitution
suited for India, titled "Constitution for Free Bharat
(India), 2000". A summary of it is attached. The full text
can be visited at our website. This draft Constitution needs to
be widely debated and, based on the response, further refined.
The preference of the people may also be ascertained through
referendums held along with local and state elections. The
present Constitution versus the proposed Constitution as finally
refined can then be placed before the people for adoption
through referendum held along with the next national election.
If the people vote in favour of the present Constitution, it
will get validated. If they vote in favour of the proposed
Constitution, the Hon’ble Supreme Court can authenticate it as
the law of the land, this time truly, in the name of the people.
23 And whereas it is important that after 50 years of the
working of the Constitution and at the turn of the millennium
when the nation is experiencing all round failure of governance,
a process for legitimate review of the Constitution is
initiated.
24 And whereas, with the intention of holistically analysing the
issues, the petitioners have touched upon some sensitive issues,
such as the impasse of Kashmir, the instability in South Asia,
the struggle of the people of Tibet and China against an
oppressive rule, and support of USA, the greatest proponent of
democracy, to a neo fascist regime in China. Being a people’s
document, it has no bearing on diplomatic postures of nations.
Such issues need to be debated by the global society.
25 And whereas the soverign people of India, being totally
disillusioned by the abuse of the people and their resources by
corrupted, self-seeking higher level politcs, bureacracy and
other vested interests, have decided to restore local control
over these, as it was prior to the East India Company destroying
them to further its commercial interests, and later sanctified
by British imperialism. Significantly, the Muslim rule, except
for some increase in tax on village governments, kept them
intact. Our own government must protect our national interests
rather then emulate foreign traders who came to loot India.
26 Now therefore the petitioners, on behalf of the abused people
of India, pray as follows:
PRAYERS
Prayer 1: Right to Information
The petitioners pray that the Hon’ble High Courts
may issue writs that the state and local governments shall
furnish to them and their principal local courts respectively,
within a stipulated time, lists of categories of public
information that they wish to restrict in public interest,
indicating the period for which it shall be thus restricted. The
concerned court will scrutinise on behalf of the society whether
restricting the information in any particular category and/or
the period for which to be restricted, were truly in public
interest or not, and issue appropriate orders in that regard.
This will establish a legitimate, democratic process for
instituting transparency in public management.
Prayer
2: Public debate on Constitution and adoption through referendum
The petitioners pray that the Hon’ble High Courts
may issue a writ directing local and state governments,
independent commissions, professional and social organisations,
and the print and electronic media, to organise consultations,
public hearings and dialogues on websites, on the present
Constitution versus this draft Constitution. Based on the
response, the Hon’ble Courts, with the assistance of
independent commissions, may refine the proposed Constitution.
The petitioner further pray that to ascertain the preference of
the people, the Hon’ble Courts may also direct referendums
along with forthcoming local and state elections.
The petitioners will then approach the Hon’ble
Supreme Court to give a final shape to the proposed
Constitution, if needed, with the assistance of independent
commissions, allowing such state variations as expressed in the
consultations. The Hon’ble Supreme Court may then direct
referendum on the present Constitution versus the proposed
Constitution as thus finalised, along with the following
national election. If the people vote in favour of the present
Constitution it will get validated. If they vote in favour of
the proposed Constitution as finalised, the Hon’ble Supreme
Court can authenticate it as the law of the land, this time
truly, in the name of the people.
IIf the Hon’ble High Courts are hesitant to
issue the aforesaid writs, they may make a reference to the Hon’ble
Supreme Court seeking its directions under Article 32 of the
Constitution
Managing Trustees on behalf of People
First,
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